Friday, August 28, 2009

New Historically Speaking Covers Intellectual History

The forthcoming September 2009 issue of Historically Speaking features a forum on the current state of intellectual history. Articles in the forum touch on U.S. topics, and the authors cite some of the work done via the USIH weblog and conference (well, last year's anyway). Here is the relevant portion of the issue's table of contents:

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A Forum on the Current State of Intellectual History

Is Intellectual History a Neglected Field of Study?
Daniel Wickberg

Thinking is as American as Apple Pie
David A. Hollinger

Reply to Daniel Wickberg
Sarah E. Igo

Response to Daniel Wickberg
Wilfred M. McClay

Rejoinder to Hollinger, Igo, and McClay
Daniel Wickberg
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I previewed Daniel Wickberg's lead piece and one reply, from Professor McClay, about a month ago. I haven't seen the final version of any of the articles, but was impressed with Wickberg's assertion of a paradoxical trade-off between a decreased field identity (and job openings, subsequently) and the ubiquitous nature of intellectual history's methods, approaches, and theoretical concerns (via prize-winning and attention-grabbing books like Louis Menand's Metaphysical Club, Michael O'Brien's Conjectures of Order, Sarah Igo's Averaged American, and Howard Brick's Transcending Capitalism).

I look forward to reading the forum as a whole. Perhaps we should have a forum on the forum, maybe in October or November? - TL

Wednesday, August 26, 2009

Debate opening: Progressive Change

Last Sunday in the New York Times Magazine, Nicholas Kristoff and Sheryl WuDunn suggested that "The world is awakening to a powerful truth: Women and girls aren’t the problem; they’re the solution." Improving the economic situation for women in the world, through micro-loans and increased education, will directly result in the lessening of global poverty particularly because women spend differently than men. They argue that women's issues tend to be seen as "soft" issues and put on the back burner by journalists and politicians to more "serious" issues like Tienanmen Square or wars. Yet, more women have been lost in the "gendercide" of the 20th century, through preferential abortion, less health care, bride burnings, etc, than men were lost in the wars of the same century. Read the article for the rest of their argument.

What struck me was the consistent use of Progressive Era discourse throughout the text. First of all, consider the two titles. The particular essay referenced above is "The Woman's Crusade." The title of the whole magazine is "Saving the World's Women." The thesis of the piece seemed to be that wealthy Westerners have a burden to bring the rest of the women up to middle class standards of living through middle class morality. Despite Kristoff having sensitivity towards other cultures in his other pieces, he seems here to utterly disregard any strength in the world's cultures, and sees only the ways in which they do not measure up.

So what I would like to discuss here is--How should we, as historians, consider modern efforts for ameliorative programs? I would imagine most of us abhor world poverty, and yet, for me at least, Kristoff's piece utterly lacked a sense of the historical failures of the Progressive Era, coupled as it was with imperialism. What do you think such a sense would have added to his arguments?

And at the same time, how do we talk about the complex ways in which imperialism functions? I always think about the way the Americans sashshayed into the Philippines with a full sense of the "White Man's Burden" and smashed the local resistance movement that had started the war with Spain in the first place. And yet, why are there Filipino nurses spread all over the globe, filling a global nursing shortage? Because those Americans set up hospitals. While it seems to me that imperialism is wrong, it does not seem like simple condemnation adequately addresses the full range of possibilities here. In his piece, Kristoff takes the problem of seeming to dictate Western morality by using illustrations centered on Africans and Asians, with their goals in the forefront.

Is it right for historians to judge (for a slightly different, yet similar question, read this post)? Or, given that we are human, when we judge, what should be our parameters? I suppose this is linked to my previous post about ethics, but here I ask about our own personal ethics as historians.

Debate opening: Personal and Public Morality

All the Ted Kennedy talk has sent me pondering a perennial question of mine--just how much does personal morality or ethics have to do with public morality or effectiveness? In the United States media in recent years, politicians' morality is often linked to their behavior in the home (or in Argentina). But the issue goes back much further, at least to King David and Bathsheba.

How do you think about this relation, through the intellectuals you have studied? Part of the question is how you would define what is good in the private and the public. It seems to me that as much as this is linked to the American Protestant heritage, it has also not been a constant in American politics (see Ted's brother in the Oval Office, and the media's silence). Is a "good" person in the home the same as a "good" person in office? Or rather, how would you complicate this question, based on your research?

Tuesday, August 25, 2009

Ontology, Jesus, And U.S. Intellectual History

I first encountered the term "ontology" back in the mid-1990s while debating a friend about Catholic theological issues. I had asked him about the femininity of God and the corresponding limits, or possibilities, of Catholic discussion about the subject. He had classified my question as an ontological one---meaning that a principle of ontology limited the ability to talk about God in feminine terms. Sadly our brief conversation never progressed beyond the introduction of the term and the categorization of my question.

Although I was unfamiliar the term, I recall looking up ontology in the dictionary. I don't remember what version of the dictionary I had at the time, but the one on my desk currently defines it as follows: "The branch of metaphysics that deals with the nature of being" (The American Heritage College dictionary, third edition, Houghton Mifflin, 1997, p. 955). I think the definition I ran into in the mid-1990s was similar. But since I was less familiar with metaphysical terminology, I think I brushed this off as a kind of restatement of the definition of metaphysics. It was the "nature of" distinction that was lost on me back then.

My ignorance of a more precise meaning persisted for nearly fifteen years. Since philosophy had little to do with my full-time or part-time work (environmental field, social services agency, sales, dean's office gopher/go-fer/go-for, adjunct history faculty) or education (graduate studies in history), opportunities to think more about the term were scarce. Even my doctoral exam reading lists on intellectual history were of no help. Few American philosophers delve deeply into metaphysics. Indeed, it seems to be the nature of pragmatism and instrumentalism to avoid metaphysics. And transcendentalism does not force one to think about traditional metaphysical questions. Even my dalliances with Thomistic/Aristotelian philosophy in connection with Mortimer J. Adler and his community of discourse never caused me to encounter ontology as a term again. It is amazing to me how long we can let unresolved questions linger.

The happy ending to this story involves another thing put-off: reading Frederick Copleston’s multi-volume A History of Philosophy series. I had started volume I ("Greece and Rome: From the Pre-Socratics to Plotinus") several years ago, probably during my doctoral exams, but put it down because of other obligations. I finally picked it up again about two weeks ago with a stronger resolve than ever to get into the series. Since then I've gone from page 16 or so to page 186. Aside from his humbling insertions of Greek and Latin phrases, and even one long passage in French, Copleston moves the narrative along. As an Americanist it is easier, of course, for me to read the ancients quickly, even if I am reading it for professional reasons, because of the remoteness of the terminology and actors. Even so, it's useful to see the roots of Kantian and Hegelian idealism in Plato---to understand the longue durĂ©e of a unit idea.

Copleston has helped me understand my friend's classification of my question. For starters, it is probably no coincidence that I did not understand ontology until I had obtained some understanding of Plato's Forms/Ideas/Essences/In-common terms. Our awareness, or discovery, of forms---those stable, immaterial essences that provide the template for everything true and eternal---by the process of dialectic determines the level of our knowledge. Copleston reports that this constitutes the epistemology of Plato's system. And conversely, according to Copleston, ontology refers to the corresponding objects of forms. [Aside: You could argue that if Forms really exist, they are also ontological and not just epistemological. Indeed, to complicate these classifications Allan Silverman writes, in the Stanford Ency. of Philosophy article on forms above, that Plato’s ontology is also his metaphysics. Silverman asserts that although "students of Plato…divide philosophy into three parts: Ethics, Epistemology and Metaphysics," and that is "generally accurate and certainly useful for pedagogical purposes," in fact "no rigid boundary separates the parts." And let's not even get into the apparently backwards use of the term ontology in relation to ontological arguments for God's existence.]

Back to my Catholic friend, in reference to God’s masculinity or femininity, he was asserting that the limits of the discussion were dictated by the ontological fact---the object of reference with regard to God considered as an ultimate Platonic form---that Jesus was a male. Consequently, Jesus' really existing maleness limited the Church's ability to speculate about, or conceive of, God's feminine characteristics. Right or wrong, that was my friend's assessment.

In relation to U.S. intellectual history, what intrigues me about the notion of ontology is that what it represents about the prominent strains of American philosophical thought. If Kantian and Hegelian idealism do indeed correspond with the general metaphysics (or epistemology) of many nineteenth-century U.S. philosophers, as is argued by Bruce Kuklick in A History of Philosophy in America, then one could say that American pragmatism, realism, and instrumentalism were American contributions to the ongoing debate about the meaning of ontology in relation to idealism. In other words, what are the objects of reference for high thinking? Rather than worrying primarily about what is stable, essential, and immaterial, American thinkers of the late nineteenth century began to work a posteriori, or from experience backwards. And their commitments to the stability of truth determined the depth of their exploration of metaphysics, whether ancient or modern.

As an aside, I also now understand more thoroughly Mortimer J. Adler’s apparent fixation on dialectic and the notion of ideas as objects of knowledge (e.g. 102 Great Ideas). While Adler consistently adhered to Thomistic and Aristotelian philosophies, he apparently also sought a synthesis with the Platonic ideals, as well as admired the process of obtaining knowledge---the dialectic---outlined by Plato in the dialogues, Socratic and otherwise. This tension, or hoped for synthesis, dominated Adler’s philosophical thinking until at least the 1960s. It was then that he gave himself over, fully, to Aristotelian philosophy.

Perhaps one could make the argument that all that is distinctive about American philosophy from 1850 to 1950, after which the analytic movement became prominent, was the attempt to understand ontology in relation to Platonic/Kantian/Hegelian idealism? – TL